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Article published November 2, 2001


Along with a new mayor, Toledo will get a host of power brokers

By JOE MAHR and MICHAEL D. SALLAH
BLADE STAFF WRITERS


Jim Ruvolo makes a living advising companies how to change public policy for their benefit - and now he’s advising Jack Ford how to become Toledo’s mayor.

Richard Stansley, Sr., started a Sylvania family business empire that has doled out more than $100,000 to candidates over the last decade - and now the family’s money is on Ray Kest.

When Toledoans go the polls on Tuesday, they won’t just elect the next mayor of Toledo. They will be indirectly choosing a host of behind-the-scenes power brokers - many of them longtime friends who have helped line the campaign coffers of the candidates - like Mr. Stansley and Mr. Ruvolo.

The winning candidate’s entourage will not only have access to northwest Ohio’s most powerful elected leader, they could have direct influence on policies that shape the city for decades.

These people insist they’re working hard to elect their candidate solely for the good of the community. And each candidate insists he’s made no promises of favors to supporters if he wins.

Still, some supporters are expected to vie for city contracts, jobs, and a host of other objectives that could be critical to the well-being of themselves and their businesses. That’s particularly the case as the city readies to let out $400 million worth of contracts for a major sewer upgrade.

Experts say that local elections are no different than state and federal campaigns: political favoritism is a fact of life.

It’s the kind of atmosphere that leaves good-government advocates calling for increased scrutiny not just of the candidates, but the people who surround them.

"Not everyone’s a bad guy. But if the supporters have given money, and they have a vested interest in the city, it should raise flags: What do they want?" said Catherine Turcer, campaign reform director of Ohio Citizen Action. "You have to ask those questions."

The longtime operative
Mr. Kest, the Democratic Lucas County treasurer, had been readying his candidacy for a year when state Rep. Jack Ford, a longtime Democratic officeholder, seriously considered joining the race.

But Mr. Kest had raised big money and locked up key endorsements. If Mr. Ford was going to catch up, he needed to enlist a seasoned political strategist.

Enter Mr. Ruvolo.

The former state Democratic Party chairman helped draft Mr. Ford for the race and has been the campaign’s behind-the-scenes guide to turning a late start into a commanding 14-point lead in the most recent poll last week.

And, if Mr. Ford is Public Enemy No. 1 in the Kest camp, Mr. Ruvolo is a close second. The Kest camp claims Mr. Ruvolo is in the race only to enrich the client base of his political consulting firm.

"If people want to see Jack Ford, they’re going to go through Jim Ruvolo first. It’s going to be a pay-to-play system," Mr. Kest said yesterday. "[Mr. Ruvolo] was the bag man when Dick Celeste was governor of Ohio in the 1980s, and he’s going to be the bag man with Jack Ford."

Mr. Ruvolo denies the charges, claiming it’s really the Kest people who are connecting campaign contributions to political favors.

"It’s indicative of the way that Ray and people around him think," Mr. Ruvolo said. "They’re the ‘pay-to-play’ guys."

The 53-year-old is typical of many of Mr. Ford’s inner circle in this campaign - a professional political operative with a history of running the local Democratic Party. The circle includes county chairwoman Paula Ross and former chairmen Peter Ujvagi, who is city council president, and Mike Beasley, council clerk.

But Mr. Ruvolo is also the most prominent strategist - and most controversial.

The Pennsylvania native became a protégé for Lucas County Democratic Party Chairman Bill Boyle in the 1970s. Two years after taking over the local party, Mr. Ruvolo jumped to statewide party leader in 1983 after successfully leading Richard Celeste’s gubernatorial campaign. Through the 1980s, he landed national party leadership roles as he helped slates of Democrats win statewide.

Still, he drew controversy over the years, including when it was revealed that he, Mr. Boyle, and Democrat Frazier Reams, Jr., had teamed up with Lucas County’s Republican Party chairman, Jim Brennan, in the 1980s for a cellular phone license that helped them make 10 times their investment. Although perfectly legal, the deal led some to question the coziness of supposed political rivals.

In 1991, Mr. Ruvolo quit the party job and moved back to Toledo to start a political consulting firm. He has enlisted a host of clients for which he said he offers advice on getting the government to do what they want.

"Most of what I do is not lobbying. Most of what I do is strategy," he said. "I think what I’m good at is not who I know, but what I know. How do you develop a strategy to get what you want?"

He confirmed a client list that includes First Energy, ProMedica, The Mannik & Smith Group, Inc., a Maumee engineering firm; and Montgomery/Watson Americas, a Colorado-based engineering firm.

Montgomery/Watson is vying for the $25 million contract to design city sewer upgrades - the biggest single contract the city has contemplated in at least eight years. Mannik & Smith is expected to vie for more sewer engineering work.

Mr. Ruvolo, who owns a $390,000 home in Ottawa Hills, won’t say how much he is paid by his private-sector clients. When he lobbied for the Toledo-Lucas County Port Authority in the early to mid-1990s, he was paid $24,000 a year.

His dual roles as a political consultant and campaigner have raised eyebrows, including those of Mr. Ford. In 1992, when Mr. Ruvolo tried to meet with every Democratic city councilman to lobby for Toledo Edison, Mr. Ford was the only one to refuse.

"Jim Ruvolo is not out of party politics," Mr. Ford said at the time. "[Council members] should deal with him as a leader of the party. They should not be dealing with him one month on issues concerning Edison and three months later as receiving campaign contributions. It’s the kind of thing that comes back and haunts them."

Mr. Ford is now meeting with him - regularly - but Mr. Ford said it’s on different terms.

The 54-year-old mayoral candidate said Mr. Ruvolo’s paid role is to craft media advertising for the campaign - a key job in any campaign where TV and radio spots can make the difference. Mr. Ruvolo said he expects to be paid less than $20,000 for the job.

Mr. Ruvolo has donated $5,000 to Mr. Ford’s campaign and said he has helped raise $20,000. But he said that he won’t ask for any favors. And Mr. Ford insisted he won’t give any, including on the lucrative sewer project.

"Jim and I have had a very candid discussion about that," Mr. Ford said. "I’ve said, ‘Jim, your help for me here has absolutely nothing to do with that [sewer project]. And he said, ‘I knew that would be a given with you, as it should be.’"

Added Mr. Ford: "I’m the kind of person that if I think you’re going to harm my administration or my reputation, I’ll kill you dead in a second."

The wealthy suburbanites
At a backyard Ottawa Hills party during the summer, millionaire Richard Stansley, Sr., asked numerous guests to give $500 - not for him, of course, but for his friend Mr. Kest.

The powerful businessman who founded a trucking and crushed-stone conglomerate in northwest Ohio has been raising money, offering advice, and trying to remove roadblocks for the candidate.

He is representative of many of Mr. Kest’s close allies - a cadre of wealthy and influential suburban businessmen who are working behind the scenes to shore up support for the 51-year-old Democrat. The group includes people like Mr. Stansley’s son, Richard, Jr., developer Richard Moses, and builder Tony Falzone, along with numerous others.

The presence of so many wealthy builders, contractors, and developers from suburban entities has fueled the Ford campaign to question Mr. Kest’s priorities.

"I’m not sure Ray Kest would put the interests of the city ahead of the interests of some of his suburban supporters," Mr. Ruvolo said.

Mr. Stansley and other family members have given more than $100,000 over the last decade, mostly to Republican candidates.

For months, Mr. Stansley, Sr., has been shaking the money tree for Mr. Kest, a close friend whom he met in the late 1970s. At a summer party at the Ottawa Hills home of Raceway Park co-owner Jack Lenavitt, Mr. Stansley made the rounds, asking people to kick in $500 apiece.

"I have a lot of good friends who want to help Ray," said Mr. Stansley, 67, who lives in Sylvania Township.

So far, he and other family members - including Richard, Jr., and his three brothers - have forked over $11,000, and have convinced others to give thousands of dollars.

Though his family owns a cement facility on Toledo’s Stickney Avenue and their trucks are frequently stopped and fined for being overweight, Mr. Stansley, Sr., said he would "never ask Ray for anything.

"I have nothing to hide. We have more trucks than most people. Some are bound to be [overweight]. That’s a part of this business."

Mr. Stansley’s son, Richard, a University of Toledo trustee who now runs the family businesses, says his family support of Mr. Kest will certainly give him access to the mayor’s office if Mr. Kest is successful. But he said he’s not angling for favors - only to install a pro-business mayor willing to cooperate with the suburbs.

He said the only time he may call the mayor is if "we were in a bidding war" over a contract, and "I felt we were the only local company, or we had a better product to offer. I would hope that I could make that point."

Mr. Kest said that he would not consider the Stansleys part of his inner circle, though for years they’ve been close friends. He has been a frequent guest of the Stansleys at parties and events, and has ridden on the family’s decked-out motor coach - complete with leather couches, a stateroom, and wet bar.

Mr. Kest’s social circle includes people like Mr. Moses, a prominent 62-year-old developer and Sylvania Township trustee. The pair have been friends about 15 years.

Mr. Moses was the first person Mr. Kest called when he learned in 1997 that he would be sued for sexual harassment by one of his own employees in the treasurer’s office. Mr. Kest and Mr. Moses brainstormed over how to avert the complaint, with Mr. Moses approaching the employee, a mutual friend, about avoiding a court battle.

The court case went through, however, and a jury found in favor of Mr. Kest.

Mr. Moses wasn’t done yet trying to help his friend.

This summer, he fought to get Mr. Kest the prestigious endorsement of the Home Builders Association of Greater Toledo. But real estate landlord Jerry Sawicki III - a member of the Lucas County Plan Commission - torpedoed that endorsement by questioning Mr. Kest’s character.

Mr. Sawicki traced his dislike to Mr. Kest back to a dispute the pair had in a Sylvania Township restaurant about a decade ago, in which someone from Mr. Kest’s table threw cake on Mr. Sawicki and his wife.

Both sides dispute exactly what happened, but the Kest camp didn’t want to leave anything to chance. Days later, Mr. Moses attended a private meeting between Mr. Sawicki and Mr. Kest, at the Sylvania office of Richard Stansley, Jr., to try to clear the air.

The meeting failed to change the mind of Mr. Sawicki, who gave $1,000 to the Ford campaign.

Granted, Mr. Moses has more than offset that contribution. He has given $4,400 to the Kest campaign through Oct. 25 - the most recent campaign finance report available - and is part of the group "Republicans for Ray."

Mr. Moses said he has not developed anything in the city in 25 years, but is considering building a housing development on Bennett Road, possibly consisting of 80 homes.

He said he would not ask Mr. Kest to smooth any wrinkles for him if elected.

"I don’t have any agenda and I’m not asking Ray for anything," he said.

Mr. Kest said he is getting support from prominent businessmen in the suburbs, like Mr. Moses, "because they know my position on regionalism and cooperating with the suburbs, instead of always fighting with them.

"I want Dick Moses to build houses inside Toledo - high-end houses. That’s what I want from Dick Moses."

Mr. Kest insisted that he will not show favors.

"I will look at the projects or proposals, and if they have merit, I will consider them," he said.

The others
Mr. Kest worked all last year and through the spring to lock up key union endorsements - Teamsters, carpenters, city workers, electricians, and ironworkers. But there was one plum endorsement up for grabs - the United Auto Workers - and Lloyd Mahaffey made sure it stayed that way.

Mr. Mahaffey - the UAW’s regional head - worked with party leaders to recruit for Mr. Ford. And Mr. Mahaffey offered something none of the other three did: big cash.

In two donations over the summer, Mr. Mahaffey’s union gave $50,000 to jumpstart Mr. Ford’s fund-raising efforts. At the time, Mr. Kest had raised about $300,000 for a race that was less than six months away.

"We were hoping we would be key to [the race], because he was way behind in funds," Mr. Mahaffey said. "That’s why we wanted to get him funds early."

That donation was the most given in this race. It helped Mr. Ford raise $61,000 from unions up to Oct. 25. Mr. Mahaffey said the union expects to give more, although he said he doesn’t know how much.

The unions have played big roles in this race, and Mr. Kest has decisively won the financial battle. Mr. Kest’s take from unions - $124,810.

Among his biggest financial backers are the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees and the International Brotherhood of Teamsters - unions with members who work for the city. Mr. Kest also has the support of the city’s police and firefighter unions.

But there have been a host of other key supporters.

For Mr. Ford, they include:

w G. Opie Rollison, a Toledo-Lucas County port authority board member who has connections to ProMedica, the parent company for Toledo Hospital.

Mr. Ford considers him one of his closest advisers, saying they talk three or four times a week, on average.

w Mr. Ujvagi, the man considered for months to be the top rival for Mr. Kest in the mayor’s race.

Mr. Ujvagi dropped out of contention in February, but kept a strong presence in the race. He gave Mr. Ford’s campaign $10,000 and has lobbied heavily behind-the-scenes to curry support for Mr. Ford.

w Paula Ross, the Democratic Party chairwoman.

She helped draft Mr. Ford for the race and shepherded him through the process to get the county party’s endorsement.

w Millionaire developer Bruce Douglas, of Ottawa Hills.

He is the wild card. He has been a long-time political donor to Democrats, particularly those with ties to Mr. Ruvolo, and has projects pending in Toledo. But, through Oct. 25, he had given a modest $1,050 to Mr. Ford, although it’s unclear if he plans to give more in the final days of the race, as he has done with other candidates.

Mr. Ford said his other close advisers include Peter Silverman and Larry Sykes, Toledo Public School board members; and Deborah Barnett, a vice president at Huntington Bank.

Mr. Kest has a laundry list of supporters as well, including:

w Jerry Chabler, a fund-raiser for a host of Democratic Party candidates and a Toledo-Lucas County Port Authority board member.

A Sylvania real estate developer, Mr. Chabler raised a record $77,000 in a Kest fund-raiser in the spring - only to break the record in October with a $114,000 soiree. Although Mr. Chabler and Mr. Kest were not considered close allies before the race, Mr. Kest said he counts Mr. Chabler as a close adviser.

w John Irish, a friend with Mr. Kest since their days at the University of Toledo, has been Mr. Kest’s chief lieutenant in the treasurer’s office since 1984 as well as an unofficial political strategist.

w Domenic Montalto, Mr. Kest’s chief tax collector since 1984.

He is a party operative who lost a power struggle with Mr. Ruvolo in 1980 to become county chairman. He has helped Mr. Kest since his first race for city council in 1975.

w Dave Huey, another friend from the University of Toledo.

Mr. Huey, the current campaign treasurer, has remained in the private sector, becoming president and general manager of Buckeye CableSystem. [Buckeye and The Blade are both owned by Block Communications, Inc.]

Mr. Kest’s other close supporters include Jim Deaton, president of Laibe Electric; Chester Devenow, retired Toledo industrialist; John Szuch, Fifth Third Bank’s top regional administrator and a friend from UT; and Ray Olczak, a recently retired executive at Ernst & Young.

Pay for play?
It’s a classic debate: Political donors insist their motives are pure. Good-government groups suspect corruption. And scholars say the answer lies somewhere in the middle.

Dr. Thomas Mann, who has studied campaign finance for the Brookings Institution, said it appears that favors likely come for small-time projects that involve few players away from the public eye, such as contracts and zoning.

"You get most attention in money and politics in Congress and the presidency, but the feeling is, traditionally, it’s been more influential at local levels," he said.

A study of municipal elections in Cincinnati in 1997 and 1999 by Ohio Citizen Action showed that of the 25 organizations that contributed to city council campaigns, 15 had contracts with the city.

"Is there pay-for-play systems? Of course," said Ms. Turcer, of Ohio Citizen Action. "They are hard to prove."

While both campaigns said they never would dole out favors, Mr. Chabler said it’s clear that donors don’t expect to be ignored.

"Do they expect access? I would think that any major contributor to either candidate - whether it is Ray Kest or Jack Ford - would certainly expect a returned phone call," Mr. Chabler said. "That’s universal."


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